Hats will be being eaten across Britain today after the amiable hairy Leftie defied the odds, the Blairite brickbats and the media onslaught from the right-wing Press to lift the Labour crown.
For some, UK politics has now entered the world of Salvador Dali.
Given Labour MPs had to lend Jeremy Corbyn their nominations for him to even be a contender and given he was a 500/1 no-hoper who energised the campaign and became the bookie’s odds-on favourite, the turnaround is one of the most remarkable events in recent modern British politics.
It has been a curious phenomenon to behold. 
The three month-long Labour contest has been brought to life by an anti-Establishment 66-year-old backbencher, who has sold out venues, North and South if the border, and inspired people by his seemingly authentic, un-nuanced, tell-em-like-it-is approach to politics. In some ways, it has been reminiscent of the Yes campaign during the Scottish referendum.
But this purveyor of the old-style religion has spent the last 32 years at Westminster on the periphery of British politics, a serial rebel having opposed his own party leadership more than 500 times, attending fringe campaign meetings and espousing the same hard Left causes, for which many regarded him as a complete irrelevance.
But not anymore. Mr Corbyn is now at the centre of relevance and is taking on what is often described as the hardest job in politics without ever having held any office or seemingly aspired to hold one.
The pressure will be immense; he will be expected to comment on anything and everything. The 24/7 media scrutiny of him and his family will be immense; those solitary bike rides might prove difficult. And the criticism will be intense too. The right-wing Press believes it will have a field day; it could be the Neil Kinnock denigration with bells on.
The fact that Mr Corbyn emerged as the frontrunner and has now become the winner has probably surprised him more than anybody else. Some have over the last few days as his victory seemed inevitable been amending their positions.
Ian Murray, the Shadow Scottish Secretary, has performed an understandable acrobatic flip from effectively saying Mr Corbyn would be a disaster for the party to confirming he would serve in his Shadow Cabinet. As the only Scottish MP, he had little choice.
But the Edinburgh MP recently revealed to The Herald that in the five and a half years he has been an MP he has never once had a conversation with his new leader. This is probably true for quite a number of Mr Corbyn’s new colleagues.
It has been noted that in his three decades at Westminster the MP for Islington North has only ever socialised with like-minded Lefties.
He has espoused the usual hard Left causes focusing on: fighting welfare cuts; proposing higher taxes, higher spending and higher borrowing; opposing Trident as well as Nato and EU membership; calling for renationalisation of the railways and energy companies; supporting Irish republicanism and the cause of Palestine.
But while some Corbynites might expect a rapid shift in policy under the London MP, the party’s policy structures might mean they will find it a long, hard slog. Any changes will have to go through the National  Policy Forum and the party conference.
The Corbyn victory could turn out to be the classic example of a party, following a heavy election defeat, seeking the comfort zone of traditional certainties. Following their crushing defeat of 1997, William Hague led the Tories in such an exercise; it has taken them nigh on 20 years to find their way back to forming another majority government.
Meantime, Scotland appears never to have really featured on Mr Corbyn’s radar; except that is when the issue of the Faslane-based nuclear deterrent has been mentioned.
Indeed, when interviewed by The Herald  the party leader revealed he had not once campaigned against Scottish independence throughout the entire referendum campaign. When Ed Miliband called on English MPs to venture northwards to help save the Union, the leftwinger stayed at home; he said he was “doing stuff” in London. He also made clear he was “a Socialist not a Unionist”.
Mr Corbyn has suggested he is offering a new kind of politics but to many, including a large number within his own party, he is simply offering the old kind of politics.
This week, Jon Cruddas, Mr Miliband’s former policy co-ordinator, suggested the London MP as leader might turn Labour into an “early 1980s Trotskyite tribute act”, warning that the party might just collapse before the voters’ eyes.
Mr Corbyn’s first task will be to form a Shadow Cabinet and a frontbench team. He has insisted he is “very confident” he can bring the Labour parliamentary family together but many senior figures have made clear they will not serve under him; 12 current Shadow Cabinet Ministers have said they would not serve. Indeed, several of frontbenchers have done a fine job of attacking his economic and defence policies, leaving David Cameron and the Conservatives watching on gleefully and for the most part in blissful silence.
The Prime Minister has warned that a Corbyn-led Labour Party would try to take Britain back "to the days of Michael Foot and Arthur Scargill" in the 1980s, claiming Labour had abandoned the intellectual centre ground and that the Conservative Party was now filling it as the party of working people.
However, he also pointed out that a government needed a “good opposition” to hold it to account; which, of course, is true.
And that will be where some people’s fears will lie. That a Corbyn Labour Party will be a deeply divided Labour Party, which would revive old arguments, many people had thought were settled decades ago.
This has all led to speculation that if Mr Corbyn survived for more than 18 months in his new job – and it is a big if for some - Labour would split and lead to a splintered opposition between the hard Left Corbynites, the social democrats of New Labour, the Liberal Democrats and the SNP in Scotland.
Such a disparate opposition could allow the Tories to govern relatively unimpeded for years with the threat of a drift ever rightwards and a further widening of the gap between politics in England and Scotland.
Winning the Labour leadership is one thing, becoming prime minister is another. Ill discipline, disunity and incoherent policies could consign Labour to the wilderness for a decade or more. Some think Labour's next prime minister might not be at Westminster yet. Plus, come 2020, Mr Corbyn will be 71 years young.
Labour has not won a major election for more than 10 years and while Mr Corbyn might inspire and galvanise those on the Left who have become disillusioned and disengaged from modern, machine politics, he will dishearten and depress the majority of non-partisan voters, who rejected Callaghan, Foot, Kinnock, Brown and, most recently, Miliband.
The only Labour leader voters across the UK seemed to have liked at election time in the last 36 years was Tony Blair. Funny that.